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Framed

May 2, 2024

EXCLUSIVE

The Murdoch newspaper empire is ignoring calls to release documents which show that Mazher “Fake Sheik” Mahmood was corrupt two decades before he was finally brought to book.

After Mahmood was caught lying during the Tulisa Contostavlos trial in 2014, the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) dropped three pending cases based on his evidence.

The CPS also carried out a review of 25 of his earlier convictions. These included the actor John Alford and the entertainer Alex Smith.
Alford was gaoled for nine months in 1999 after a Mahmood cocaine sting. In the same year Smith was sentenced to six months after a sting involving counterfeit coins. Both insist they were framed.
None of the convictions was quashed. Smith failed to persuade the Court of Appeal to overturn his conviction.
But more and more evidence is emerging that Mahmood ran a criminal conspiracy that made it virtually impossible for most of his victims to get a fair trial.The latest revelations show that police, prosecutors, the judiciary and the News of the World all knew that Mahmood was committing perjury as early as 1994 …

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In 2020 lawyers in the phone hacking litigation made an extraordinary discovery.

In an archive handed over by News UK, parent company of the News of the World, they found a series of dramatic documents about a crisis at the paper in 1994.

It followed an investigation by Mazher Mahmood into a drugs and tickets racket at Wimbledon.

Piers Morgan was editor. Rebekah Brooks was a reporter.

The documents — we’ll call them the Wimbledon Papers in this article — are not in the public domain but a summary of their contents was included in a statement read out in court last year.

The story begins in August 1992 with a Mahmood article headlined “The Great Pension Book Fiddle”.

Mahmood claimed he’d exposed:

… the biggest social security scam ever carried out in this country. Police estimate that it raked in £230 million last year in London alone.

He handed over his evidence to the police and two men were charged with conspiracy to defraud the DHSS.

The trial took place in April 1994.

When Mazher Mahmood gave evidence, he said his story was based on information supplied by a confidential source.

The defence believed that this informant had threatened one of the defendants — and asked that Mahmood’s source be identified.

Mahmood, on oath, insisted that his informant was not the person alleged to have threatened the defendant.

The next day, police told the defence that Mahmood had not been telling the truth.

The Wimbledon Papers include a letter written by a prosecution solicitor. He said police:

… had discovered that Mahmood’s informant … was in fact the same person referred to by the defence and [was] also a police informant who was assisting them with a number of other matters of great importance.

The judge indicated that he was minded to order the prosecution to name Mahmood’s informant. The solicitor noted that the police were not

… happy for the informant’s identity to be revealed as this would jeopardise a number of other, important investigations.

The prosecution offered no evidence and the case collapsed.

This case marks the first occasion when Mazher Mahmood gave misleading evidence in the witness box.

No newspaper, including the News of the World, reported the collapse of the court case — it was to be nearly three decades before the reasons surfaced.

The Wimbledon Papers also explore another Mazher Mahmood story, just two months after the pension book trial.

This time it was a front page splash: “Wimbledon Vice Scandal”.

Mahmood told the paper’s 4.8 million readers:

The News of the World has infiltrated a vice, drugs and tickets racket where the wealthy can buy best seats around the Royal Box.

… hookers guzzle champagne in marquees crammed with nobility and bishops, then return to hotels for orgies and lesbian shows.

Mahmood passed his evidence over to the police. He wrote:

A spokesman for the Metropolitan Police promised action. “We’re grateful for the information the News of the World has provided. 

“We’ll investigate the allegations throughly …”

That investigation was to prove embarrassing for the Fake Sheik and the News of the World.

The Wimbledon Papers include a note from a drugs squad detective.

He noted that Mahmood had unlawfully obtained four tickets for Wimbledon from a tout named “Alan” as well as cocaine and the services of two prostitutes.

He added:

It would appear from the article that the reporter has participated in criminal activities without the correct authority and may even have placed himself in a situation where he may be liable to criminal prosecution.

His report was considered by more senior officers.

A detective inspector got in touch with the Met’s intelligence unit, SO10. He wrote:

I have held conversations with S010 and it would appear that the author of the newspaper article is known to them in an unfavourable context.

This “unfavourable context” was Mahmood’s role in the collapse of the pension book trial earlier that year.

SO10 were concerned that if a prosecution was to take place as a result of the Wimbledon story, this material was likely to become public.

There was no prosecution. No action was taken against Mahmood.

Lachlan Murdoch

The events outlined in this article are only part of the story.

The papers themselves remain confidential.

On Tuesday Press Gang wrote to Lachlan Murdoch, chairman of News Corps in New York, asking him to make them public.

We asked for an answer by close of play yesterday. He did not reply.

Rogue Journalist

The events of 1994 were a stark warning that Mazher Mahmood was a loose cannon.

The News of the World ignored these warnings.

So did police and prosecutors.

When scores of criminal cases relying on Mahmood’s evidence came to trial, judges refused to allow their legal teams to attack his track record.

This fatally shackled defence barristers — and the result was a series of convictions.

Among those gaoled were London’s Burning star John Alford and the entertainer Alex Smith. Both insist they were framed by Mahmood.

Among those who were convicted but escaped prison sentences were the disc jockey Johnnie Walker and Lord Hardwicke.

But many of the cases collapsed — including that involving Rhodri Giggs, brother of the Manchester United footballer Ryan Giggs — as a result of problems with Mahmood’s evidence.

These setbacks failed to stop the Fake Sheik juggernaut.

Rupert Murdoch was personally warned — in a Press Gang letter in 2012 — that Mahmood was a “serial perjurer”.

A similar letter was sent to the Metropolitan Police.

Both warnings were ignored.

It wasn’t until 2014 that justice finally caught up with Mahmood.

The climax came in the Tulisa Contostavlos case.

Just as in the 1994 pension book trial, Mahmood had given misleading testimony.

When he initially gave evidence he said he hadn’t spoken to his driver, Alan Smith, about a statement he’d given to police.

But the singer’s lawyers discovered that Smith had changed an earlier draft. In the first version he gave evidence that supported the singer’s claim that she disapproved of drugs.

Lawyers also discovered that the changes had been made after Mahmood discussed the issue with Smith.

He’d committed perjury. The trial was stopped and Tulisa Contostavlos, who had been facing a gaol sentence, walked free. It was a close shave.

Mahmood was gaoled for 15 months. His driver Alan Smith was given a 12 months suspended sentence.

In a strange twist, lawyers trying to overturn the convictions of Mahmood’s victims, including John Alford, now believe Alan Smith is the also the “Alan” who supplied drugs to Mahmood in the 1994 Wimbledon vice story …

Ends

  • This is the first article in a Press Gang campaign to overturn some of Mahmood’s unsafe convictions. It follows a long series of articles about the Fake Sheik:
  • Fake Convictions — the article that exposed Mahmood’s lies about the number of successful criminal prosecutions he’d secured
  • Lying To Leveson — tells the inside story of how Mahmood was forced to admit he hadn’t told the truth to the Leveson Inquiry
  • The Sting In The Singer’s Tale — the most comprehensive account of the dramatic Tulisa Contostavlos trial
  • Withering Heights — examines Mahmood’s troubled record when he worked at the Sunday Times under editor John Witherow after the closure of the News of the World.

UPDATE — FRAMED

Within a couple of hours after this article — about Mazher “Fake Sheik” Mahmood’s criminal conspiracy at the News of the World — was posted last week, News UK’s Executive Vice-President Daisy Dunlop, Director of Corporate Affairs, emailed:

Your letter to Lachlan Murdoch has been passed to me. You will of course be aware that he has no knowledge of historical matters concerning Mr Mahmood. 

Please address any further correspondence for comment from the company to myself.

Daisy Dunlop did not answer our questions — would the company make public a series of papers that showed Mahmood was lying on oath as early as the early 1990s?

And — how did News UK gain copies of internal Scotland Yard files?

We asked again.

Daisy Dunlop replied:

We don’t have any comment. This matter is the subject of live litigation and is being dealt with in court.

CORRECTIONS

On 12 May 2024 three corrections were made to this article:

— the Wimbledon Papers were disclosed in 2020 not 2021 as we said

— we said John Alford’s court of appeal application had failed. In fact, he hasn’t (yet) submitted an appeal

— we left out the sentences imposed on Mazher Mahmood and Alan Smith.

The article has been corrected.

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CORRECTIONS  Please let us know if there are any mistakes in this article — they’ll be corrected as soon as possible.

RIGHT OF REPLY  If you have been mentioned in this article and disagree with it, please let us have your comments. Provided your response is not defamatory we’ll add it to the article.

https://paddyfrench.substack.com/p/framed?r=o41j8

Going spare

April 26, 2024

APR 18, 2024


NOTE
This article was originally published on the Press Gang Substack platform — to read posts as they are published you can sign up for a free subscription at
https://paddyfrench.substack.com

—————————————————————————————————————————————————————

Prince Harry is angry — and his latest legal move is a serious threat to Rupert Murdoch and former News of the World editor Piers Morgan. Did they pay a police officer for a sensational story about his mother, Princess Diana?

Rupert Murdoch has no love for the British royal family.

And Prince Harry hates Murdoch — he’s declared war on the press baron’s British empire.

In his autobiography Spare Prince Harry talks about the relentless pursuit of paparazzi throughout his life, especially two that he calls Tweedle Dumb and Tweedle Dumber.

Many of their pictures ended up in Murdoch papers:

They’d run alongside me, taunt me … Many paps wanted a reaction, a tussle, but what Tweedle Dumb and Tweedle Dumber seemed to want was a fight to the death.

They always seemed to know where he was. He discussed this with his brother William: “How do they know? How do they always know?”

Harry adds:

It was around this time that I began to think Murdoch was evil. No, strike that. I began to know that he was. First hand.

Once you’ve been chased by someone’s henchmen through the streets of a busy modern city you lose all doubt about where they stand on the Great Moral Continuum.

… I didn’t care for Murdoch’s politics, which were just to the right of the Taliban’s.

I couldn’t think of a single human being … who’d done more damage to our collective sense of reality. But what really sickened and frightened me … was Murdoch’s ever expanding circle of flunkeys: young, broken, desperate men willing to do whatever was necessary to earn one of his Grinchy smiles. 

And at the centre of that circle … were these two mopes, the Tweedles.

Last month the legal team representing Harry in his misuse of private information action against Murdoch’s News Group Newspapers, applied for permission to include articles from 1994 and 1995.

Up until now the court has only allowed articles published in 1996 and after.

One of the most significant of the new articles is a 1994 News of the World exclusive revealing the contents of a confidential Scotland Yard report confirming that Princess Diana had made anonymous phone calls to a friend.

At the time the paper’s editor was Piers Morgan and Rupert Murdoch was personally involved.

The story is important because the evidence suggests the report was unlawfully sold to the News of the World by a police officer.

If Harry is successful in persuading the court to allow this article to be included in the case, it may lead to new information revealing the name of the officer involved and the News of the World staff who authorised payment.

Even though the events are now nearly two decades old, there is no statute of limitations in relation to criminal offences.

It was a Press Gang article in 2014 that first drew serious attention to the story. This was Whodunnit …? — the first of a long series about the career of Piers Morgan called “A Pretty Despicable Man.”

What follows is an updated summary of this article, including new material. 

BATTLE ROYAL

In late 1993 the London art dealer, Oliver Hoare, a close friend of both Prince Charles and Princess Diana, reported a series of anonymous phone calls.

By January 1994 a police investigation discovered these calls were coming from numbers connected to Diana. The case was passed to Robert Marsh, head of the Metropolitan Police’s Royal Protection Squad.

Marsh’s wife Sandy Henney, a former Scotland Yard press officer, was assistant press secretary to Prince Charles.

Once he discovered that Diana was the source of the calls, Oliver Hoare declined to take the matter any further. The royal family were informed and the calls ceased.

All this took place in private. It was six months before the affair became public.

At the time, Charles and Diana were locked in an intense public relations battle in the wake of their separation.

In June 1994 Charles was interviewed on television by Jonathan Dimbleby. He admitted adultery.

In July Daily Express crime reporter John Twomey learnt about the anonymous calls and was preparing to splash the story.

The piece was spiked, apparently on the orders of Express chairman Sir David Stevens, a close friend of Princess Diana.

Almost immediately News of the World crime reporter Gary Jones got hold of the story. The detailed contents of the police investigation were read out to reporters.

Piers Morgan, the editor, ran the story as a “world exclusive”.

The day after the paper’s revelations, Princess Diana told the Daily Mail the story was false.

This sent Piers Morgan into a panic. In his memoirs The Insider he wrote that he couldn’t reveal that the paper’s story was correct “… without potentially exposing our source …” 

He added:

And what if the report is a forgery?

I felt sick to the pit of my stomach.

Almost immediately Rupert Murdoch was on the phone: 

Hi Piers, I can’t really talk for long but I just wanted you to know that your story is one hundred per cent bang on.

Can’t tell you how I know, but I just know.

The next day, the focus switched to the source of the News of the World story. Morgan wrote:

Everyone seemed to be blaming the police so I issued a statement saying it was categorically not a serving police officer, which is perfectly true.

Press reports suggested that at least a dozen officers had access to the report.

Met Commissioner Paul Condon ordered an internal probe into the leak but nothing was ever made public about the results.

Oliver Hoare, who died in 2018, spoke to Press Gang in 2014 on an off-the-record basis. 

He said he was told that there was only one copy of the report and that it was locked in a safe when not in use. 

BENT COPPERS

A month after the News of the World article, the Daily Mirror reported that Diana claimed the police report had been leaked to draw attention to her friendship with Oliver Hoare:

… humiliation heaped on the princess would counter any embarrassing revelations about Charles and Camilla Parker Bowles which might surface in a new book by Andrew Morton.

It was also clear she believed she was the subject of unlawful newsgathering: 

Even when no one knows where I am going in my car there are people waiting for me at the other end.

In October 1994 she voiced these fears to Scotland Yard’s deputy assistant commissioner, David Meynell, who was in charge of royal protection. 

Prince Harry, however, does not believe palace officials leaked the anonymous calls report to the News of the World.

In his recent application to include the article in his case, he says it “was based upon a police report that was unlawfully obtained” by private eyes. 

They acted as brokers between the paper and the police source. 

Allegations about bribing police officers have long been a feature of the unlawful news gathering scandal at the News of the World.

In March 2003 Rebekah Brooks — then Sun editor but previously features editor at the News of the World when the paper ran with the Princess Diana story — gave evidence before the Commons’ Culture, Media and Sport select committee.

Chris Bryant MP asked her if the Sun and the News of the World ever paid the police for information.

She replied:

We have paid the police for information in the past.

Two years later, in October 2005, another News of the World reporter — Mazher “Fake Sheik” Mahmood — admitted his involvement with corrupt detectives.

In a police interview he said:

I’ve got bent police officers that are witnesses that are informants.

Ends

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Double standards 

A little known case reveals the full depth of Labour’s cynical treatment of Diane Abbott

APR 11

1

Scaremongers 

Gideon Falter and his Campaign Against Antisemitism are in the news this week for a publicity stunt that went wrong. They also claim two thirds of…

16 HRS AGO•

PADDY FRENCH

© 2024 Paddy French

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Scaremongers 

April 25, 2024

25 April 2024


Gideon Falter and his Campaign Against Antisemitism are in the news this week for a publicity stunt that went wrong. They also claim two thirds of Britain’s Jews are considering leaving the country. The statistics tell a different story …

————————————————————————————————————————————————————

This Saturday Gideon Falter will be walking in central London during the latest demonstration calling for a ceasefire in Gaza.

The chief executive of the Campaign Against Antisemitism has said these demonstrations mean central London has become a “police-enforced Jew-free zone”.

Falter says that at the previous march on April 13 a police officer had told him he was “openly Jewish” and that he would be arrested if he didn’t leave the scene.

A video of the exchange was later challenged by a Sky News report which showed that the police officer intervened after Falter entered the march.

Falter’s claims that London is a Jew-free zone during pro-Palestinian demonstrations is literally incredible — hundreds if not thousands of self-identifying Jews, both pro-Palestinian and pro-Israel, were present either on the marches or on the fringes.

As of this evening, the CAA had not answered two important questions:

— why did it take six days before the video was released?

— were the men who accompanied Falter hired bodyguards?

The delay in releasing the video suggests that the CAA had difficulty in editing its original footage to produce the 55-second clip that gave the “right” impression.

Why did Falter need protection — was there a plan for him to provoke violence with marchers and then use the bodyguards to escalate the fracas?

One of these bodyguards has been identified as Vicentiu Chiculita, a contract manager for the SQR security group, founded by two former officers of the Israeli intelligence agency, Mossad. 

“Faltergate” continues to unravel — good summaries of the story so far can be found herehere and here.

Falter’s claims about London being a “Jew-free” zone form part of a long-standing campaign to persuade British public opinion that Jews are considering leaving because of antisemitism.

Defending Israel has always been a key component of the CAA’s mission. It was formed in August 2014 partly as result of the British media’s alleged misreporting of Israel’s assault on Gaza. 

Gideon Falter told the Jewish News:

… the obsession of the media, the fastidious disregard for the facts and the insistence on holding Israel to exceptional, impossible standards, helped to feed the oldest hatred. If you wanted to follow the news in Israel, it was almost impossible to do so by reading the British press; there were too many missing facts.

(Amnesty International estimated that more than 2,000, including some 500 children, were killed during Israel’s “Protective Edge” operation in July 2014.

These figures are dwarfed by the current catastrophe in Gaza with Israel killing more than 30,000 Palestinians — including a substantial number of innocent women and children.)

A year after its formation, the CAA settled on one of its main themes — that one in four British Jews have “considered leaving the country in the past two years” as a result of antisemitism.

By 2017 the organisation said the figure had risen to a third.

This claim came under fire from the Jewish Leadership Council. The JLC said the research was unrepresentative of UK Jewish opinion and expressed fears that the statistical analysis amounted to “scaremongering”.

Undeterred, the CAA continues to insist these figures hold good. Its website currently states that 42 per cent of “British Jews considered leaving Britain in the past two years, 85 per cent of them due to antisemitism in politics”.

The latter comment is mainly a reference to the CAA’s allegation that Labour under Jeremy Corbyn was institutionally antisemitic.

What’s the reality?

Every year, Israel produces statistics about immigration from the four countries with large Jewish populations: USA (6.3m), France (c440k) Canada (400k) and Britain (300k).

The figures show that the number of British Jews moving to Israel is low and has remained at virtually the same level throughout the last decade.

These figures also throw light on what was happening in the period Jeremy Corbyn was Labour leader. The CAA was in the vanguard of those calling him an antisemite.

In the four full years of Corbyn’s leadership the average number of Jews emigrating to Israel each year was 509.

The figure for the previous four years was slightly higher at 511 and the figure for the three years since is much greater: 547.

Jews could be emigrating to other countries, of course, but there are no available statistics. There is no evidence that British Jews are moving to countries like France or North America. 

One reason why Jews are not leaving Britain is safety.

In France, where four Jews were murdered in the attack on a Paris supermarket in 2015, emigration to Israel is substantial — more than 2,700 people move to Israel each year. 

The USA is also more dangerous than Britain, as shown by the 2018 attack on Pittsburgh’s Tree of Life synagogue in which 11 Jews perished.

And Israel, home to 7.2m Jews, is currently the most dangerous country on earth for Jews. 

No Jew has been killed in an antisemitic attack in Britain in either the 20th or the 21st century. Although there are serious assaults, the number is mercifully low. 

Every year, the Community Security Trust’s produces an annual Antisemitic Incidents Report. In 2023 it noted:

… none of these incidents was severe enough to be classed as Extreme Violence, compared to one incident in 2022.

(By contrast, anti-Muslim hatred is more lethal. 

In 2015 an 81 year old grandfather, Mushin Ahmed, was murdered in Rotherham.

Makram Ali died in the 2017 attack near the Finsbury Park mosque in London.) 

Britain’s Jews enjoy a high level of state protection. Every year the UK makes a grant of more than £18m to the Community Security Trust (CST) to help provide security at Britain’s Jewish schools and synagogues.

In addition, several high profile Jewish bodies are given charitable status and given dispensation to keep the identity of their trustees secret — including the CST and the Campaign Against Antisemitism.

The CAA does not disclose the source of its funding. Although its trustees are not identified, it does have “honorary patrons,” some of whom have been made public.

These have included, at various times, Labour MPs Margaret Hodge and Ian Austin, the Conservative MPs Sir Eric Pickles and Bob Blackman, Richard Kemp, former head of the British Army in Afghanistan, Lord Carey, the former Archbishop of Canterbury, and the libel lawyer Mark Lewis.

There has been criticism of some of these “honorary patrons”.

In December, in the middle of Israel’s bloody invasion of Gaza, Richard Kemp was in Jerusalem — alongside right wing author Douglas Murray — repeating his mantra that Israel’s IDF is the world’s “most moral army”.

When the CAA accused Keir Starmer of using the Holocaust memorial in Berlin as a prop for a political ad in July 2022, it was a step too far for former honorary patron Margaret Hodge.

She was, she tweeted, “fed up with the CAA using antisemitism as a front to attack Labour”.

The CAA has also been in trouble with the Charity Commission, one of Britain’s most timid watchdogs.

In October 2018 the regulator ordered the CAA to change the wording of a petition saying that Jeremy Corbyn was an antisemite and “must go”. The commission allowed the CAA to brand Corbyn an antisemite but insisted the charity to change the words “must go” to Labour “must act”.

A spokesperson said:

…  there are rules that charities must follow. One of the most important of these rules is that charities must stress their independence from party politics and demonstrate party political balance.

In January last year the Charity Commission opened another compliance case against the organisation. A spokesperson said “We can confirm that the Commission is assessing concerns raised with us about the Campaign Against Antisemitism”.

Ends

CORRECTION

  • This article was amended on 26 April 2024 to correct the paragraph about Operation Protective Edge. This originally said 1,200 Palestinians were killed and more than 300 children over a 22 day period. In fact, the casualty figures were higher and the operation lasted seven weeks.

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CORRECTIONS  Please let us know if there are any mistakes in this article — they’ll be corrected as soon as possible.

RIGHT OF REPLY  If you have been mentioned in this article and disagree with it, please let us have your comments. Provided your response is not defamatory we’ll add it to the article. 

Double standards

April 19, 2024

A little known case reveals the full depth of Labour’s cynical treatment of Diane Abbott


NOTE
This article was originally published on the Press Gang Substack platform — to read posts as they are published you can obtain a free subscription at
https://paddyfrench.substack.com

—————————————————————————————————————————————————————

In a few weeks Diane Abbott will have been suspended by Labour for a year.

Her “crime” was to suggest that white Irish, Jewish and Traveller people “undoubtedly experience prejudice,” which she said is “similar to racism”.

“But they are not all their lives subject to racism.”

Abbott quickly withdrew the remarks and apologised.

The Board of Deputies of British Jews, one of the groups which claims to represent many of Britain’s 300,000 Jews, said her remarks were “disgraceful”:

We have written to Keir Starmer expressing our deep concern and asking for the whip to be removed.

Starmer immediately suspended her from the Parliamentary Labour Party pending an investigation.

Abbott remains a party member but, like Jeremy Corbyn, now sits as an independent MP.

Now compare this draconian treatment with that of a Labour member who said of Abbott in December 2017 that “it’s about time she got put in a box with the lid fastened firmly”.

This story was broken by the Skwawkbox website.

The next day Skwawkbox reported that Andy Bigham, from Dudley in the West Midlands, had been suspended for making the comment .

What happened next, however, has never been reported in the mainstream media. 

The story began when a large number of complaints, starting in April 2016, were made about Bigham.

In December 2017, after these had been ignored by the party’s complaints team, there were new complaints about his “coffin” comment about Diane Abbott: 

One complainant argued that this “could be construed as a threat or instruction to carry out the threat”.

The previous year, in June 2016, fellow Labour MP Jo Cox had been murdered by a far right fanatic.

Despite the seriousness of Bigham’s comment, one complaints official initially noted:

“I don’t think this would be considered a death threat by the police or would warrant suspension”.

She added that “our advice would be a written warning and a reminder of our social media policy”. 

A more senior official then intervened: Bigham’s comment was “disgusting” — “leave it with me”. 

Bigham was then suspended.

The suspension lasted just two months. In February 2018, a complaints official lifted the suspension with a written warning. 

Over the following three months there were more complaints about Bigham’s apparent support for the Conservative Party. No action was taken.

In June 2018 there was another complaint which again included the Abbott “coffin” comment. An official said that, because this issue had already been investigated, the party would be “unable to look into this matter again”.

He added that the party does not

discourage members from posting their views or entering into healthy debates on social media.

It was not until a complainant went directly to general secretary Jennie Formby that action was taken. She said Bigham’s support for the Tories was grounds enough to withdraw his membership.

He was then auto-excluded.

(This account is based on the internal party report, The work of the Labour Party’s Governance and Legal Unit in relation to antisemitism, 2014–2019which was leaked in April 2020. Pages 537-543.

Keir Starmer was asked if he accepted this version of events. He did not reply.)

Bigham’s “punishment” for calling for Diane Abbott to be placed in “a box with the lid fastened firmly” was a brief suspension and a written warning. 

Fast forward to March this year. When the Guardian revealed that businessman and Tory donor Frank Hester had said Diane Abbott “should be shot,” Starmer was quick to exploit the situation.

The Guardian quoted Hester’s comment in a meeting at the Leeds headquarters of his computer software company in 2019:

It’s like trying not to be racist but you see Diane Abbott on the TV and you’re just like, I hate, you just want to hate all black women because she’s there, and I don’t hate all black women at all, but I think she should be shot.

Hester has given the Tory party £10m, making him the party’s largest ever political donor. The Guardian calculated that government, NHS and local authorities had paid more than £440m to Hester’s companies since 2016. Hester, the sole owner, “collected dividends of £33.5m for the last five years for which accounts … are available.”

Hester told the paper he “accepts that he was rude about Diane Abbott in a private meeting several years ago but his criticism had nothing to do with her gender nor colour of skin”. The statement said Hester abhorred racism, “not least because he experienced it as the child of Irish immigrants in the 1970s”.

Hester’s remark caused a political storm. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak belatedly admitted the remarks were racist but refused to return the £10m Hester had donated.

When the issue was raised at Prime Minister’s Questions on March 13, Keir Starmer asked Sunak if he was:

… proud to be bankrolled by someone using racist and misogynous language when he said that the right hon. Member for Hackney North and Stoke Newington (Ms Abbott) ‘makes you want to hate all black women’?

Sunak replied that the “comments were wrong and they were racist. He has rightly apologised for them and that remorse should be accepted. There is no place for racism in Britain, and the Government that I lead is living proof of that.”

Starmer replied

Mr Speaker, the man bankrolling the Prime Minister also said that the right hon. Member for Hackney North and Stoke Newington should be shot. How low would he have to sink, what racist, woman-hating threat of violence would he have to make, before the Prime Minister plucked up the courage to hand back the £10 million that he has taken from him?

However, despite nearly 50 attempts to catch Speaker Lindsay Hoyle’s eye, Diane Abbott was not allowed to speak.

This afternoon, a spokeswoman for Hoyle denied that his decision not to call Abbott was due to pressure from Starmer: 

No this is not true.

During Prime Minister’s Questions, the Speaker must select MPs from either side of the House on an alternating basis for fairness. This takes place within a limited time frame, with the Chair prioritising the 15 Members who are already listed on the Order Paper.

On 13 March 11 Opposition party members were drawn in the ballot, and four Government members. Due to limited time, there was not an opportunity for Members on the Opposition side who were bobbing to put their questions – and not everyone on the Order Paper was called.

Mr Speaker would have been open to a Point of Order being raised on this issue at the end of PMQs, but none was forthcoming.

Hoyle also denied that his actions were prompted by concerns that the Labour leader might deny him the peerage normally given to Speakers on retirement.

This tradition was broken when the previous Speaker, John Bercow, was refused a peerage. He had offended many Tories in the way he had handled Commons business. 

Hoyle’s spokeswoman said: 

This is untrue.

Starmer’s office did not reply to questions.

The Labour leader has also resisted calls to restore the whip to Abbott in the wake of the Hester affair.

Abbott has criticised Labour for sending out a fundraising email saying it was “fuming” about Hester’s remarks: “Hypocritical barely covers it,” she said.

She did not respond to questions.

Police investigations into Hester’s comments continue.

An Amnesty International study in 2017 found that Abbott, who was sent on average 51 abusive tweets a day, “receives an incredibly disproportionate amount of abuse and was the target of almost a third … of all abusive tweets we analysed”.

Ends

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Asa Winstanley, Weaponising Anti-Semitism: How The Israel Lobby Brought Down Jeremy Corbyn, (OR books, 2023)

The definitive account of how pro-Israel groups in the UK combined to play the antisemitism card against the former Labour leader. Even those who disagree with its thesis will find it a carefully researched and useful account of Corbyn’s leadership. 

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Is the net closing in on Rupert Murdoch and Piers Morgan?

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Ware v French: Judgment

November 30, 2022

30 November 2022 

Today judgment was handed down in the Ware v French libel case. 

John Ware sued Press Gang editor Paddy French for £50,000 damages over his criticism of the 2019 Panorama programme “Is Labour Anti-Semitic?”

French withdrew from the case and did not take part in the trial which lasted an hour and 20 minutes on November 7.

Mr Justice Knowles awarded John Ware £90,000 in aggravated damages.

The judge also granted Ware a permanent injunction:

The Defendant must not, whether acting by himself or otherwise howsoever, publish or cause to be published any words to the following or similar effect: that the Claimant is a rogue journalist who had engaged in dirty tricks aimed at harming the Labour Party’s chances of winning the General Election by authoring and presenting an edition of Panorama in which he presented a biased and knowingly false presentation of the extent and nature of antisemitism within the party, deliberately ignoring contrary evidence.

Ware had told the court that French “had ‘thrown down the gauntlet’, which he would have been only too happy to have picked up, but, he said, the defendant had now ‘slithered away’ and behaved in a ‘cowardly’ fashion.” 

Mr Justice Knowles said he agreed with John Ware’s KC, William Bennett, that French’s “attitude to these proceedings … had been one of contempt”.

Paddy French said:

“This case raises serious questions about press freedom in Britain.”

“I believe I am the first journalist to be sued by a reporter working for the BBC for criticising a BBC programme that that reporter was involved in making.” 

“I am concerned that the Director General and the BBC board appear to have allowed the case to go ahead. “

“This raises the question of whether Ware v French is a SLAPP (Strategic Litigation Against Public Participation) action by proxy in order to smother debate about this controversial programme.”

“If it is, then it sets a dangerous precedent — Britain’s state broadcaster is permitting its reporters to engage in litigation against the Corporation’s critics.”

“If the action was not a SLAPP, it was certainly a breach of the long-standing tradition in the UK that journalists do not sue other journalists.”

“Journalists have other public platforms besides the courts to argue their case — and John Ware can command space in national newspapers when he chooses.”

“I am naturally disappointed that the case has ended in the way it did.”

“I would like to thank my legal team and the large number of people who have supported me in contesting it.”

“The judgment does not end the continuing examination of the Panorama programme.”

“I’m pleased that John Ware and his team have acknowledged that I am free to continue investigating the Panorama broadcast.”

“The full report on this programme will be published next year.”

John Ware v Paddy French

October 28, 2022

PRESS RELEASE

Friday, 28 October 2022

IN DECEMBER 2019 I published the Press Gang pamphlet “Is The BBC Anti-Labour? Panorama’s Biased Anti-Semitism Reporting — A Case To Answer”. 

This was a detailed critique of the Panorama programme “Is Labour Anti-Semitic?” based on a “charge sheet” that found the broadcast had breached key BBC Editorial Guidelines. 

Six months later John Ware began defamation proceedings against the pamphlet.

At that point I believed the case was an opportunity for a forensic examination of anti-Semitism in the Labour Party while Jeremy Corbyn was leader. 

However, John Ware then withdrew his complaint against the “charge sheet” element and concentrated on an article included at the end of the pamphlet. 

And, in February 2021, Mr Justice Saini ruled that this article meant that John Ware was a rogue journalist who engaged in “dirty tricks” by presenting “a biased and knowingly false presentation of the extent and nature of anti-Semitism within the party, deliberately ignoring contrary evidence” in order to harm Labour’s electoral prospects.

This was not my intention — my concern was about the quality of the journalism. I argued that Ware had authored and presented an edition of Panorama that was one-sided and strongly advocated the position that Labour was anti-Semitic. This was, in my opinion, rogue journalism.

But as a result of the court’s ruling I was not permitted to defend the case on this basis and could not present evidence that the broadcast was one-sided. 

However, much of the material I had hoped to explore in court has now been published elsewhere. 

In April 2020 Labour’s internal report into the workings of the party’s Governance and Legal Unit (GLU) was leaked to Sky News.

This long report supported the thesis set out in the pamphlet.

Sir Keir Starmer, who replaced Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader, ordered an independent inquiry into the serious allegations made in the leaked GLU report.

Headed by Martin Forde KC, this report was published in July this year. 

Again, the Forde Report supported the general critique of the pamphlet.

Finally, the revelations of the Al Jazeera series “The Labour Files” in September this year provided further evidence that the Panorama programme was one-sided. 

These developments mean that Ware v French has become less and less relevant.  As a result, I have decided to withdraw from the case and will take no further part in the proceedings.

I will now concentrate on producing a full report into the Panorama programme.

This report will include new material that has yet to see the light of day. 

I want to thank all those — including my legal team at Bindmans and barristers Hugh Tomlinson, KC and Darryl Hutcheon — who have supported me in this case over the past two and a half years. 

Paddy French, Editor, Press Gang

NOTES

1

The convention that journalists should not sue other journalists is even more pronounced in broadcasting. If there is a precedent for a journalist working for the BBC suing a journalist for criticising a programme he / she was involved in, I have yet to find it. The BBC have declined to say if permission was given to launch these proceedings.

2

The leaked GLU report can be accessed here: 

3

The Forde Report can be accessed here:

4

The Al Jazeera Investigations series, “The Labour Files,” can be accessed here:

https://www.ajiunit.com/investigation/the-labour-files/

WARE v FRENCH GOES TO TRIAL

February 24, 2021

THE CASE of Ware v French continues.

John Ware is suing Press Gang editor Paddy French over an article which criticised the 2019 Panorama programme “Is Labour Anti-Semitic?” 

The article appeared in the online Canadian magazine ColdType and was reprinted in the Press Gang pamphlet “Is The BBC Anti-Labour?” published in December 2019.

The libel trial is likely to take place next year. 

At a preliminary hearing on Thursday, February 18, Mr Justice Saini heard arguments from both sides about what an ordinary reader would have understood the article to mean. 

Representing Ware, William Bennett QC claimed the article branded his client 

… a rogue journalist who had engaged in dirty tricks by deliberately setting out to sabotage the Labour Party’s chances of winning the General Election by producing an edition of Panorama in which he dishonestly presented a biased and false portrayal of the case against the Labour Party for antisemitism.

Hugh Tomlinson QC, for French, argued the “natural and ordinary meaning” of the piece was that

… the Claimant [John Ware] produced a television programme which was one-sided and strongly advocated the position that the Labour Party was anti-semitic … as a result, the Claimant had engaged in rogue journalism

Mr Justice Saini’s version of the meaning was that John Ware

… is a rogue journalist who had engaged in dirty tricks by deliberately setting out to sabotage the Labour Party’s chances of winning the General Election by producing an edition of Panorama in which he dishonestly presented a biased and false portrayal of the case against the Labour Party for anti-Semitism.

The Judge also decided that the meaning was factual and not opinion.

The judgment can be read here.

Costs are yet to be determined.

In a statement, French stated:

I am disappointed by the decision.

However, I remain resolutely committed to defending this action.

My legal team believe I have a strong defence and the formal documents will be served within the next few months .

The overall cost of the full libel trial could rise as high as £1,000,000.

The Press Gang fighting fund, which has already raised nearly £25,000 from a thousand supporters, can be found here.

THE SHAME OF ANDREW NORFOLK — PART 4: THE IPSO FACTOR

June 25, 2019

Norfolk_series_head_04

THIS ARTICLE examines the way IPSO — the self-styled Independent Press Standards Organisation — has handled articles involving Andrew Norfolk.

The piece is currently in production but has been delayed to take account of its role in the Just Yorkshire affair which has just been published.

Just Yorkshire was a small human rights charity which was destroyed by a series of article written by Andrew Norfolk.

For the full story, see A Champion of Fake News.

THE SHAME OF ANDREW NORFOLK — PART THREE: RETRIBUTION

September 8, 2018

 

Norfolk_series_head_03
WHEN THE TIMES and its chief investigative reporter Andrew Norfolk decided to intervene in a sensitive family care case last August, they did not realise the judiciary would not allow them to peddle a false narrative.

In August 2017 Norfolk wrote a sensational front page story carrying the headline “Christian child forced into Muslim foster care”. 

It soon became clear the story was a complete fabrication.

Norfolk purged his narrative of the central fact that the mother of the child is the daughter of practising Turkish Muslims.

In February this year the court ruled the mother was unfit to look after her daughter and gave the grandmother permanent custody of the little girl.

Both are now in Turkey.

The judgment in the case — finally obtained by Press Gang early yesterday — destroys any lingering credibility in Andrew Norfolk’s story.

The judgment justifies the first two parts of our series The Shame of Andrew Norfolk: Crusade and  Hallelujah!

Press Gang was unable to write the story up yesterday.

We passed the judgment to Brian Cathcart, a founder of Hacked Off, who published a summary yesterday: ‘Muslim Fostering’ Times Journalism Utterly Discredited.

Now Press Gang examines some of the key points of the judgment.

♦♦♦

THE DECISION  to place the little girl with her grandmother was made on February 16 this year.

Judge Khatun Sapnara made the order in the East London Family Court following a 10 day hearing involving 15 witnesses. 

Andrew Norfolk, despite his intimate knowledge of the case, was absent throughout.

We emailed Norfolk this afternoon and asked him why he did not attend.

We asked if the reason he wasn’t in court was because he knew the hearing would destroy his story.

He had not replied by the time this article went to press.

No other journalist was in court — it was not until this week that the court finally released its judgment.

The court ordered that the little girl, who is now six, should live with her grandmother in her country of origin.

image

INVASION OF PRIVACY
THE JUDGMENT is damning about the fact that the press were present when the little girl left her second Muslim foster carer in August 2017. The judge noted “very sadly, this had to be undertaken with police presence and assistance, because of the numbers of press in attendance at the foster carer’s address. The child did not have the opportunity to have a proper goodbye with her carers. It would have been entirely in her best interests to do so.” Press Gang understands that the only journalist who knew the address of the foster carer was Andrew Norfolk. Today we asked Andrew Norfolk if he and a Times photographer were present. We also asked for a comment about the judge’s criticism. There was no reply by the time this article went to press.  

Press Gang has previously revealed the grandmother is Turkish — the judgment merely says she is from a mainly Muslim country.

Both the little girl and her mother have dual British and Turkish passports. 

The court added that the mother’s physical contact with her daughter should be restricted to four times a year.

She is not allowed to stay overnight.

The father, a Russian national, is forbidden to have any face to face contact with the child.

He is allowed to talk to her on Skype. 

The judgment is silent about what happened to the mother’s older child who has also been the subject of family court proceedings.

♦♦♦

THE PICTURE of the mother that emerges from the judgment is bleak and disturbing.

Judge Sapnara “had no doubt that the mother had taken the course she had in these proceedings, driven by the natural desire to be reunited with her daughter.”

“On a subjective analysis she genuinely believes that the child will be better off in her care.”

“Sadly, in the court’s judgement that motivation was also tinged with a degree of wounded pride.”

The judge revealed that the 2017 incident that led to the child being taken into care was not the first incident where concerns had been raised.

In September 2012 the Foreign Office was contacted by the duty manager of a hotel in Bulgaria who was concerned about the mother and the little girl.

The judgment notes that “he suspected that the mother may be on drugs or alcohol and that the hotel room was not particularly fit for a young child.”

The mother has two convictions for drinking driving which “indicates that she makes poor decisions when she consumes alcohol.”

Tests revealed that the mother often drinks the equivalent of a bottle of wine a day.

Tests also revealed she was taking cocaine. 

The judge was stark: 

“The mother’s chronic and problematic use of alcohol coupled with her minimisation of such concerns gives rise to a risk of emotional harm by reason of the child being exposed to the mother’s alcohol use.”

“It also gives rise to risks of domestic violence which seem to be linked to the mother’s drinking.”

♦♦♦

THE JUDGMENT also makes it clear that an unnamed Russian national played a significant part in this story.

The Russian is said to be the father of the child.

His name is not on the child’s birth certificate and he did not take part in the proceedings.

He appears to have remained in Russia throughout the ten day hearing. 

The mother claimed:

“she had not had any contact with the … father since 2013 and she said that she had been unable to provide any contact details for him.”

But the judgement later adds

“The mother and the … father appeared to remain in an enmeshed relationship which appears to include a degree of financial control of the mother by [the] father.” 

The mother was legally aided throughout the care proceedings. 

The relationship between the mother and the father was turbulent.

The judge noted that it “had been characterised by incidents of domestic violence (some very serious) over a number of years …”

The decision to place the child was partly motivated because she might be present when the mother and father were together.

In these circumstances, the judge added:

” … there would be a real risk that the child may get caught up in the domestic violence and might be at risk of suffering physical and emotional harm which might be significant in its nature.”

It’s also clear she didn’t believe the mother’s claim not to have had any contact with the father since 2013:

” … the court was satisfied that it was quite apparent that he was aware of the proceedings and that he had been a significant presence on the periphery of the case.”

The judge added
 
“ …  he was concerned about the child with regard to her religious needs when she was in foster care.”

Press Gang today asked if this Russian had been one of Andrew Norfolk’s sources.  

There was no response by the time we went to press.  

♦♦♦

THIS SCANDAL is far from over.

Press Gang has asked IPSO, the press watchdog partly funded by The Times, to reopen our complaint against Andrew Norfolk.

This complaint is the only one out of more than 150 which claims that all of Norfolk’s articles on this issue were inaccurate.

Our complaint was rejected — even though part of it is identical to the complaint made by Tower Hamlets and upheld by IPSO.

We believe that the judgment released yesterday now places new information in the public domain that IPSO must consider.

There remain other issues which have yet to be resolved: 

— although the judgment makes it clear that the mother was unfit to look after her daughter, it is silent about the care provided by the two Muslim foster carers at the heart of the story.

It seems clear that the foster carers — despite the claims published by The Times — provided exemplary and loving care. 

The grandmother, who the court found to be an impressive witness, thanked them for the quality of their care.

— the judgment is also silent about Press Gang allegations that Andrew Norfolk doctored his account of an earlier court hearing which took place on 29 August 2017.

Norfolk claimed that the reason he and The Times did not disclose the Muslim background of the grandmother was due to their wish to protect the identity of the child. 

Norfolk claims he told the court he was not going to disclose the grandmother’s religious background.

We’re trying to get to the bottom of this.

Press Gang has also asked Norfolk if he distorted the judge’s words in this earlier hearing.

She made it clear that the court’s decision to place the child in the temporary care of her grandmother was based on the application of the law and “not as a result of any influence arising out of media reports.” 

Norfolk, in his article, says she used the phrase “as a result of undue media involvement.” 

We’ve already put these points to Norfolk.

He did not reply.

♦♦♦

NOTES

1
The original title of this series — The Fall Of Andrew Norfolk — was changed on 24 September 2018.

2.
The full summary of Judge Sapnara’s judgment can be found below.

♦♦♦

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Please let us know if there are any mistakes in this article — they’ll be corrected as soon as possible.

RIGHT OF REPLY  
If you have been mentioned in this article and disagree with it, please let us have your comments. Provided your response is not defamatory we’ll add it to the article.

♦♦♦

APPENDIX

Summary of the Judgment of Her Honour Judge Sapnara on 16th February 2018.

Background

The court gave judgment on 16th February 2018 following a 10 day final hearing in care proceedings instituted by the London Borough of Tower Hamlets (‘the local authority’) pursuant to s.31 of the Children Act 1989 and in respect of the subject child AB (‘the child’) who was aged 6 at the time of the final hearing. The Court read extensive bundles of written material/evidence and also heard the oral evidence of fifteen live witnesses which included expert, professional (social workers and police) and lay witnesses. The child’s mother is CD (‘the mother’). She had the benefit of leading and junior counsel representation at this hearing. The child’s putative father is believed to be GH (‘the putative father’). He was not named on the child’s birth certificate and he had never been married to the mother. Therefore he did not have parental responsibility for the child. 

The child spent time in the care of two different foster carers before moving to live with her maternal grandmother (‘the maternal grandmother’), with the support of her maternal aunt (‘the maternal aunt’), towards the end of the summer of 2017. The child remained there at the time of the final hearing under an interim care order. Therefore, the local authority continued to share parental responsibility with the mother. The grandmother, the child and the maternal aunt lived together in the mother’s flat in London which the mother vacated to enable them all to live there. This had been the child’s home prior to removal and it was obviously therefore an environment with which the child was familiar. There was no dispute in this case that the child had a very warm and loving relationship with the maternal grandmother and the maternal aunt and that she was very familiar with them.

The putative father is a Russian national. He did not play any part in the proceedings. The mother in her oral evidence, towards the end of the hearing, maintained that she had not had any contact with the putative father since 2013 and she said that she had been unable to provide any contact details for him. Therefore, he was not formally served with notice of the proceedings. He did not attend any hearing and was not represented. He did not seek to make any application to be joined to the proceedings or to be assessed as a carer for the child, nor to have any contact with the child. He filed no evidence. He remained in Russia as far as the court could ascertain. Whilst he had played no formal role the court was satisfied that it was quite apparent that he was aware of the proceedings and that he had been a significant presence on the periphery of the case. 

The local authority’s care plan recommended the placement of the child with the maternal grandmother under a legal framework which is the nearest equivalent to a special guardianship order as exists in the maternal grandmother’s country of origin which is a Muslim majority country. The local authority proposed in its care plan that there  should be direct contact between the mother and the child four times a year, following the recommendations of the court appointed Children’s Guardian. It also proposed that there be Skype contact between the child and the father.

The local authority’s position was supported by the court appointed Children’s Guardian. The maternal grandmother was not represented in the proceedings but her position was advanced by the local authority with whom she was ad idem.

The local authority invited the court to find that the threshold for the making of final orders was crossed as at the relevant date of 2nd March 2017. The local authority  asserted that as at that date the child had suffered, and was likely to suffer, significant harm and that such harm was attributable to the care given to the child, or likely to be given to her, if an order were not made, not being what it would be reasonable to expect her parents to give her. The broad areas of the local authority’s concerns were the mother’s excessive consumption of alcohol, neglect of the child’s needs and the child suffering emotional harm due to her mother’s drug use and excessive use of alcohol. 

The mother opposed the local authority’s applications. She did not accept that the threshold criteria had been crossed on the facts of the case and disputed all the findings sought by the local authority. She sought the immediate return of the child to her care. Initially her position had been that she wanted the maternal grandmother and the maternal aunt to support her caring for the child in the UK. The maternal grandmother and the maternal aunt did not wish to do that and sought to return to their country of origin with the child as quickly as possible. By the time the mother came to give her oral evidence, she clarified that she was not opposed to a placement with the maternal grandmother in her country of origin in principle but only in the event that the child was not returned to her care. The mother was born and brought up in that country. Both the mother and the child have previously resided there and they each hold dual nationality passports for that country and also for the UK. 

The mother contended that the child had not suffered, nor was she at risk of suffering, significant harm owing to the care she had received from the mother. She stated that she had addressed her alcohol and drug misuse and believed that the child’s welfare would be best met by a return to the mother’s care and that the mother would be marginalised in her child’s life to the child’s detriment if the child went to live with the maternal grandmother in her country of origin. Therefore, the mother sought the immediate return of the child to her care. 

The mother’s case was that her relationship with her daughter was good whilst the child was in foster care and that in fact there was only a negative change when the child went to live with maternal grandmother. It formed no part of the mother’s case that the child would not be loved and well cared for by the maternal grandmother, nor that the child’s needs would not be met by the maternal grandmother. 

The maternal grandparents are Muslim. The maternal family members are educated and of a relatively affluent professional background.  The maternal grandmother chose to take an oath on the Qur’an before giving oral evidence. The grandparents say that they do not attend Mosque but they do pray at home. No issue has been raised about the grandmother’s ability to meet the child’s religious needs. The mother’s primary concern is that if the child were to live with the grandparents, her contact with the child would be at risk. The mother identifies as Christian. There is some evidence that the putative father is also of Christian belief and that he was concerned about the child with regard to her religious needs when she was in foster care.

The child was born in the UK but had also spent a lot of time with her maternal grandparents in their country of origin. Prior to coming to the UK in January 2017 the mother and child had been involved in extensive international travels and spent time in various countries. However the chronology of the movement of the mother and child across international borders and the reasons for doing so and the times that they did so was complicated and difficult for the court to establish. The local authority contends that between 2013 and 2017 the child spent significant periods of time travelling abroad with the mother and was cared for at other times by the maternal grandparents. The mother disputed some of the details in relation to this and maintained that at all times she was the child’s primary carer. 

In January 2017 the mother travelled to the UK with the child. On the morning of 2nd March 2017 the child was removed from the mother’s care under a police protection order following the mother’s arrest for being drunk in charge of a child in a bar in a hotel near the mother’s home. As a consequence, the local authority was required to find an emergency foster placement for the child. The child was made subject to an emergency protection order on 3rd March 2017. An interim care order was made on 10th March 2017 by a judge of the East London Family Court. 

Once removed from the mother’s care the child was place in a foster placement by the local authority. That decision, together with the second move of placement to another foster care placement, has been the subject of intense media coverage and there has been a significant media presence at various hearings of this matter. The nature of those placements and the child’s experiences and treatment within them together with the circumstances of the mother’s arrest have generated significant press interest in, and reporting of, the case. Both foster carers were Muslim. Some of the concerns about the foster carers and their ability to meet the child’s religious, cultural and linguistic needs, as reported in the press, had been either raised by the mother prior to the media reports or otherwise later adopted by her. The mother, her friends and a contact supervisor have been identified in the press as the source of the media reports. On the Guardian’s behalf, in particular, concern was expressed about the mother’s insight into the child’s needs in engaging in this conduct. There has been some evidence at this hearing that the concerns about those needs being met by the foster carers may have come from the father also. 

The court made a case management order at an earlier stage of the proceedings allowing the local authority to release an alternative narrative to the matters that had been reported in the press and to place those in the public domain by 1st November 2017. There had been an internal inquiry by the local authority on the issues raised in the press and it was the local authority’s conclusion that much of that reporting particularly as to the issues arising from the child’s foster placements, had been inaccurate, distorted and unfair. 

At the hearing on 2nd October 2017, as at previous hearings, journalists from a number of news outlets were present; their presence was not opposed by any party. The Times Newspaper Ltd was present and represented by counsel. At that hearing, and each subsequent hearing, the court’s case management orders recorded as follows:

AND UPON the Court reaffirming the importance of the press reporting in accordance with the established guidance and to do so with skill and proper judgment so as not to undermine the welfare of the child, either through direct identification or jigsaw identification.

No accredited member of the press attended at the final hearing. The court indicated that it had been informed by the Child’s Guardian that when the child was moved from her second foster placement to be placed in the care of the maternal grandmother at the end of August 2017 that, very sadly, this had to be undertaken with police presence and assistance, because of the numbers of press in attendance at the foster carer’s address. The child did not have the opportunity to have a proper goodbye with her carers. It would have been entirely in her best interests to do so. If all that is correct, and the court had no reason to conclude otherwise, the court could not see how such circumstances could be regarded as being in the child’s best interests. As observed by the Child’s Guardian, most unfortunately and through no fault or choice of her own, details of the child’s private life are in the public domain and will continue to exist online well into the future. 

In August 2013 the mother pleaded guilty to an earlier offence of battery against a security officer at a London casino after she had been drinking. 

In July 2017, the mother was convicted at a Magistrates’ Court of being drunk in charge of a child on 2nd March 2017. However, in October 2017 the mother’s appeal against such conviction was allowed at the Crown Court. 

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The court’s threshold findings

The court found that at the relevant date of 2nd March 2017 (being the day the child was removed by the police using their protection powers), pursuant to s.31(2) of the children Act 1989, the child had suffered and was likely to suffer significant harm and that the harm suffered or likely to be suffered is attributable to the care given her or likely to be given to her if an order was not made, not being what it would be reasonable to expect her parents to give to her.

The court made the following specific findings as sought by the local authority: 

1

On 2.03.2017 the child was at risk of suffering the neglect of her basic care needs and emotional harm due to her mother’s excessive consumption of alcohol for the following reasons:

2

On the morning of 02.03.2017 the mother had been drinking with a male friend throughout the night since 01.03.2017 in the bar of a hotel whilst the child was in the mother’s care. Furthermore, the court found that the mother had knowingly presented misleading evidence, including the evidence of an expert toxicologist, in support of her appeal in the Crown Court. This expert reported without knowledge of the results of the mother’s hair strand tests which showed positive for cocaine and chronic and excessive use of alcohol by the mother for the highly relevant period of September 2016- May 2017

3

The hotel staff called the police because they were concerned about the mother’s behaviour.

4

The police attended the hotel bar and observed that the mother and her friend were both highly intoxicated.

5

The mother’s friend was so intoxicated that, when he was asked to stand up by the police, he fell over.

6

The child was removed by the police using their powers of protection.

7

The mother was arrested and released the following day on 03.03.2017.

8

On 03.03.2017 the mother attended the local authority’s offices to meet with members of the social work team and smelt strongly of alcohol.

9

The mother’s intoxicated state impaired her ability to safeguard and meet the child’s care needs, placing the child at risk of neglect and physical harm. 

10

It would also have been emotionally troubling for the child to witness this intoxicated behaviour of her mother and the mother’s friend.

11

The child was at risk of suffering the further neglect of her basic care needs and emotional harm due to her mother’s drug use and excessive consumption of alcohol for the following reasons:

— the incident on 02.03.2017 is the second time such an incident has been reported. On 24.09.2012 the Foreign Office received a referral from the duty manager of a hotel in Bulgaria expressing concerns about the mother’s wellbeing. The duty manager reported that he suspected that the mother may be on drugs or alcohol and that the hotel room was not particularly fit for a young child.

— the mother has pleaded guilty to the charge of driving a motor vehicle with excessive alcohol on 2 separate occasions; 16.03.08 and 24.04.09. This indicates that she makes poor decisions when she consumes alcohol.

— the mother tested positive for cocaethylene, a cocaine metabolite that was detected during the period from September 2016 to March 2017. The presence of the metabolite indicates the combined use of cocaine with alcohol. 

— hair strand test results dated 07.04.2017 shows the mother engaged in the excessive chronic consumption of alcohol equivalent to a bottle of wine per day.

— liver Function and CDT Blood Tests carried out in respect of the mother on 13.04.2017 indicated a “recent excessive alcohol intake”.

— a SCRAM bracelet detected the consumption of alcohol between the 13.05.2017 to14.05.2017, within 3 days of the bracelet being fitted.

12

The mother’s chronic and problematic use of alcohol coupled with her minimisation of such concerns gives rise to a risk of emotional harm by reason of the child being exposed to the mother’s alcohol use. It also gives rise to risks of domestic violence which seem to be linked to the mother’s drinking.

13

The mother’s use of alcohol amounted to a sustained pattern of problematic drinking rather than a one off incident of such problematic drinking on 1st – 2nd March 2017.

14

The mother and the putative father appeared to remain in an enmeshed relationship which appears to include a degree of financial control of the mother by putative father. 

15

The relationship between the mother and putative father had been characterised by incidents of domestic violence (some very serious) over a number of years such that if she and the putative father were together and the child were to be present there would be a real risk that the child may get caught up in the domestic violence and might be at risk of suffering physical and emotional harm which might be significant in its nature. 

16

That in the period between April 2012 and December 2016, while the child was primarily cared for by the maternal grandmother, she also spent significant periods of time with her mother and that during those periods of time the child and the mother visited the father on a number of occasions and the child was otherwise exposed to disruption arising out of the mother’s lifestyle which included changes of carers, different partners with whom the mother formed intense  relationships very quickly and other changes in her life. Were the child to be returned to the care of the mother there would be a risk that such pattern would continue.

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The court’s welfare findings.

The court had no doubt that the mother had taken the course she had in these proceedings, driven by the natural desire to be reunited with her daughter. On a subjective analysis she genuinely believes that the child will be better off in her care. Sadly, in the court’s judgement that motivation was also tinged with a degree of wounded pride. The mother’s position was not borne out on an objective assessment of the evidence and in light of the court’s threshold findings. 

The court concluded that the grandmother loves her daughter and is committed to her. It is likely that the maternal family have felt frustrated, disappointed and saddened by the mother’s conduct at times in the past, but the court was struck by what it perceived to be a depth of love for the mother and the child and a commitment to them by the grandmother and maternal family over the years despite the cost to them at times. 

The child had experienced the grandmother as primary carer on many occasions and for lengthy periods. It is clear that the grandmother understands the importance of the mother to the child and the court was satisfied that the grandmother was not seeking to supplant the mother as the child calls her own mother ‘mummy’. The court could see no basis for concluding that the grandmother would deny contact or excise the mother or the putative father from the child’s life. The court was further satisfied that the maternal aunt would protect the child’s interests. 

A placement away from the mother would significantly reduce the current levels of contact between the child and her mother. The child may well suffer emotional harm as a result, but the court was satisfied that this was likely to be in the short term and would be ameliorated by the quality of the care she would receive form the grandmother and the ongoing contact she would have with the mother. 

Addressing the welfare checklist in s.1 of the Children Act 1989 the court concluded that the mother’s capacity to provide adequate and appropriate care for the child long term is severely compromised and the child would be placed at risk of significant harm if returned to her care. The child’s welfare requires that the court override the fact that the mother did not consent to the orders proposed by the local authority. The court further concluded that there was no level of realistic support which could be put in place continuously to manage the risks identified by the court. 

The court was satisfied that the child’s global needs would be met by the maternal grandparents. The child loved her grandmother and was well attached to her. The child would be returning to a familiar carer and a familiar environment. 

Orders. 

The court approved the placement of the child with the maternal grandparents pursuant to a Special Guardianship Order made in the UK on 16th February 2018. The court directed that the maternal family should obtain from the family court in their country of origin, orders mirroring the orders of the UK courts.

The court further directed that:

— neither the mother nor the putative father (who the mother has stated is the father of the child) should remove the child from the care and control of the maternal grandparents.

— the putative father shall not have any face to face contact with child (save through Skype calls involving his own mother which are to be supervised by the maternal grandmother).

— the mother’s contact to the child shall be supervised by the maternal grandmother or the maternal grandfather, shall take place only at the home of the maternal grandparents 4 times per year (for 2 or 3 consecutive days on each occasion of contact) and shall not include the mother staying overnight with the child.